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There was a post on the MA forum about sexual orientation change, which was appropriately locked by T4C. However, it occurred to me that this would be a chance to engage in one of those research discussions people have been gunning for! So, let's stay away from giving anyone advice, but let's talk sexual orientation change!
Sexual orientation conversion therapy was a common topic of published studies throughout the 1960's and 1970's. Interventions included but were not limited to aversive conditioning using electrical shock or nausea-inducing drugs (Masters & Johnston, 1979), or so-called "Playboy therapy" in which clients were conditioned to become aroused to erotic images of members of the opposite sex (Davison, 1968). Many of these studies claimed exceptionally success rates (those rates are obviously now disputed) (Tozer & McClanahan, 1999).
Though outcome studies have not been released by conversion therapy agencies, studies have been conducted into the efficacy the therapy. In literature favorable to conversion therapy, the most oft-cited study is one conducted in 2003 by Spitzer. Spitzer acquired a sample of 200 individuals who classified themselves as conversion therapy "successes" and concluded that these results indicate that sexual orientation change is possible, and that conversion therapies should not be banned. Further, he calls for prospective studies examining the efficacy of the therapy (Spitzer, 2003).
Spitzer's study generated fifty pages of peer replies, and the vast majority were not favorable. Spitzer's methods are heavily criticized; the sample used in his study was acquired by asking agencies which perform conversion therapy to solicit members to be participants in the study. The demand characteristics of study increased pressure on participants as they were now publicly committed to conversion therapy, could very well have contributed to exaggeration of responses in the direction of indicating a larger change had occurred, than actually had (Bancroft, 2003; Beckstead, 2003; Hartmann, 2003; Hill & DiClementi, 2003). Indeed, participants in this study have been suggested to be in an ideal situation for studying cognitive dissonance (Rind, 2003). It has been known for some time that many man and women experience changes in degree of sexual attraction toward their own and the opposite sex throughout the lifetime, without the influence of conversion therapies (Kinsey, Pomeroy, and Martin, 1948).
Shidlo and Schroeder (2002) conducted what they called a ‘consumer's report' on conversion therapy, gathering feedback from individuals who had been clients in such therapy. Overall, 87% of the 202-person sample declared themselves to be conversion therapy failures. Participants who reported failing conversion often felt that their sense of identity was damaged. As well, they experienced high levels of confusion, depression, substance abuse, and suicidal ideation. Eleven of the participants attempted suicide after conversion therapy, 3 of those individuals having attempted before. Some conversion therapy failures also felt betrayed by their therapists for misleading them as to the efficacy of the therapy.
Beckstead and Morrow (2004) conducted a qualitative study into the experiences of members of the Church of Latter-Days Saints who had experienced conversion therapy. Many of the participants reported some positive aspects of conversion therapy. They cited increased hope from therapy, relief at being able to express their same-sex attractions, a sense of belonging in group therapy, and a favorable change in same-sex relations. Participants no longer found homosexual ideation itself to be aversive. Even some of the participants for whom conversion therapy failed completely reported that this outcome served to solidify their identity as a homosexual and make them more secure. Participants also reported feeling false hopes when conversion did not work as well or as quickly as it had been advertised to. Lower self-esteem, emotional stress, feelings of being duplicitous and untrue to oneself, depression, and suicidal ideation were reported. Families of participants were also disappointed when therapies did not deliver the promised results. Participants who ‘failed' conversion therapy internalized this failure, blaming themselves for failing rather than the therapy (Beckstead & Morrow, 2004). Of 42 individuals in the sample, 8 had attempted suicide after therapy. Twenty reported seriously contemplating attempting suicide during therapy. Only 3 had attempted suicide before therapy. Additionally, many of the participants knew of other homosexuals in the same religious group who has attempted or completed suicide.
So, what does everyone think? To me it seems clear that the practice of sexual orientation change therapy violates the ethical principles of the practice of psychology. Clients have a right to self-determination, but does that extend to therapies which seem to be necessary only because their culture condemns them? It also seems to me that organizations providing this therapy aren't being responsible in providing real data about the efficacy (and thus not really obtaining informed consent).
Fun topic! Research, practice, ethics, and politics all rolled into one!
Sexual orientation conversion therapy was a common topic of published studies throughout the 1960's and 1970's. Interventions included but were not limited to aversive conditioning using electrical shock or nausea-inducing drugs (Masters & Johnston, 1979), or so-called "Playboy therapy" in which clients were conditioned to become aroused to erotic images of members of the opposite sex (Davison, 1968). Many of these studies claimed exceptionally success rates (those rates are obviously now disputed) (Tozer & McClanahan, 1999).
Though outcome studies have not been released by conversion therapy agencies, studies have been conducted into the efficacy the therapy. In literature favorable to conversion therapy, the most oft-cited study is one conducted in 2003 by Spitzer. Spitzer acquired a sample of 200 individuals who classified themselves as conversion therapy "successes" and concluded that these results indicate that sexual orientation change is possible, and that conversion therapies should not be banned. Further, he calls for prospective studies examining the efficacy of the therapy (Spitzer, 2003).
Spitzer's study generated fifty pages of peer replies, and the vast majority were not favorable. Spitzer's methods are heavily criticized; the sample used in his study was acquired by asking agencies which perform conversion therapy to solicit members to be participants in the study. The demand characteristics of study increased pressure on participants as they were now publicly committed to conversion therapy, could very well have contributed to exaggeration of responses in the direction of indicating a larger change had occurred, than actually had (Bancroft, 2003; Beckstead, 2003; Hartmann, 2003; Hill & DiClementi, 2003). Indeed, participants in this study have been suggested to be in an ideal situation for studying cognitive dissonance (Rind, 2003). It has been known for some time that many man and women experience changes in degree of sexual attraction toward their own and the opposite sex throughout the lifetime, without the influence of conversion therapies (Kinsey, Pomeroy, and Martin, 1948).
Shidlo and Schroeder (2002) conducted what they called a ‘consumer's report' on conversion therapy, gathering feedback from individuals who had been clients in such therapy. Overall, 87% of the 202-person sample declared themselves to be conversion therapy failures. Participants who reported failing conversion often felt that their sense of identity was damaged. As well, they experienced high levels of confusion, depression, substance abuse, and suicidal ideation. Eleven of the participants attempted suicide after conversion therapy, 3 of those individuals having attempted before. Some conversion therapy failures also felt betrayed by their therapists for misleading them as to the efficacy of the therapy.
Beckstead and Morrow (2004) conducted a qualitative study into the experiences of members of the Church of Latter-Days Saints who had experienced conversion therapy. Many of the participants reported some positive aspects of conversion therapy. They cited increased hope from therapy, relief at being able to express their same-sex attractions, a sense of belonging in group therapy, and a favorable change in same-sex relations. Participants no longer found homosexual ideation itself to be aversive. Even some of the participants for whom conversion therapy failed completely reported that this outcome served to solidify their identity as a homosexual and make them more secure. Participants also reported feeling false hopes when conversion did not work as well or as quickly as it had been advertised to. Lower self-esteem, emotional stress, feelings of being duplicitous and untrue to oneself, depression, and suicidal ideation were reported. Families of participants were also disappointed when therapies did not deliver the promised results. Participants who ‘failed' conversion therapy internalized this failure, blaming themselves for failing rather than the therapy (Beckstead & Morrow, 2004). Of 42 individuals in the sample, 8 had attempted suicide after therapy. Twenty reported seriously contemplating attempting suicide during therapy. Only 3 had attempted suicide before therapy. Additionally, many of the participants knew of other homosexuals in the same religious group who has attempted or completed suicide.
So, what does everyone think? To me it seems clear that the practice of sexual orientation change therapy violates the ethical principles of the practice of psychology. Clients have a right to self-determination, but does that extend to therapies which seem to be necessary only because their culture condemns them? It also seems to me that organizations providing this therapy aren't being responsible in providing real data about the efficacy (and thus not really obtaining informed consent).
Fun topic! Research, practice, ethics, and politics all rolled into one!