The pathology behind...

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thamsenman

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Religious fanatics? In general? What makes fanatics do crazy, unthinkable, and horiffic things to innocent people? Many of them seem quite social, but indoctrinated to believe they are superior to others and that other lives do not have value.

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There's a lot of things that could be causing this...

When I state this, I state it only for cases where hyper-religiosity is a bad thing. For several people, religion is a good thing.

1) Mental illness: in some with a psychotic or mood disorder, they can become hyper-religious.

2) seizure disorder: there is some evidence that temporal lobe seizures could set off hyper-religiosity.

3) indoctrination

4) ego defense mechanism: Take for example a homosexual man who is brought up to believe that it is evil for religious reasons. By the time the person enters puberty, there will be an identity conflict over this. As a defense mechanism, the person may start becoming hyper-religious as a means to defend his ego.

5) evolutionary psychology: this field theorizes that religion may exist because it can benefit a society. Therefore societies with religion tended to survive and reproduce more so than societies without a religion.

Take for example Christianity in the middle ages. It helped to back the monarchy system of government. It also created a method for people to follow the laws on their own without the need for society to enforce it.

After thousands of years of religion, and people following it, there may be genes that favor someone's acceptance of religion. If such genes do exist I do not know of them. Again this is a theory, but the theory does make sense. It just needs more work to prove or disprove it. I'd say the proven fact that the isolation of the temporal cortex as the area that stimulates religious and spiritual "feeling" is very hard evidence this theory should be accepted as fact.

IMHO I personally do believe in this theory because it so nicely explains why people worship their religion in a manner that fits the theory. For example the same theory also supports why some societies group together in a time of war.

Take for example the post-Muslim hate after 9/11 and the anger directed at the Muslim religion? People started hating the Muslim world simply on the basis of religion. Some Christian leaders started pointing out that Muslims were of a different and inferior religion. Fox News even broadcasted an piece showing that Muslims were less forgiving than Christians (I'm not joking).

This is very much in tune with evolutionary psychology's theory that in times of war, one group will band together based on cultural elements: skin color, language etc.

And I'm not trying to diss on Christianity because almost every religion has done similar things. If it hasn't, it just wasn't big or old enough. The 9/11 hijackers for example apparently had the same issues against the western world. Their anger toward the U.S. was largely rooted in religion. How could a religion based on peace and turning the other cheek have actually motivated a war? Well IMHO because we're not hard wired to think that way. IMHO those that use Christianity in the sense of peace have actually overcome their hard wiring. Those that haven't used it to simply justify their internal feelings--whether right or wrong.

6) pre and post conventional morality: several people cannot live with the notion that their is good without the idea of a God.
 
http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/...med_ResultsPanel.Pubmed_RVDocSum&ordinalpos=1
Religion in the Face of Uncertainty: An Uncertainty-Identity Theory Account of Religiousness.
The authors characterize religions as social groups and religiosity as the extent to which a person identifies with a religion, subscribes to its ideology or worldview, and conforms to its normative practices. They argue that religions have attributes that make them well suited to reduce feelings of self-uncertainty. According to uncertainty-identity theory, people are motivated to reduce feelings of uncertainty about or reflecting on self; and identification with groups, particularly highly entitative groups, is a very effective way to reduce uncertainty. All groups provide belief systems and normative prescriptions related to everyday life. However, religions also address the nature of existence, invoking sacred entities and associated rituals and ceremonies. They are entitative groups that provide a moral compass and rules for living that pervade a person's life, making them particularly attractive in times of uncertainty. The authors document data supporting their analysis and discuss conditions that transform religiosity into religious zealotry and extremism.

http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/...nkpos=4&log$=relatedarticles&logdbfrom=pubmed
The use of supernatural entities in moral conversations as a cultural-psychological attractor.
Social behavior in most human societies is characterized by the following of moral rules explicitly justified by religious belief systems. These systems constitute the diverse domain of human sacred values. Supernatural entities as founders or warranty of moral principles may be seen as a form of "conversation stoppers," considerations that can be dropped into a moral decision process in order to prevent endlessly reconsidering and endlessly asking for further justification. In this article we offer a general naturalistic framework toward answering the question of why supernatural entities are so attractive in moral argumentation. We present an explanatory model based on the phenomena of multiple channels of moral reasoning, the suspension of epistemic vigilance, and relevance assumptions through the attractiveness of the sacred, moral dumbfounding, and the expression of social coalitionary commitment. Thus, in light of much of current cognitive theory, sacred values make sense as basins in the evolutionary landscape of human morality.

http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/...med_ResultsPanel.Pubmed_RVDocSum&ordinalpos=4
Cui bono? A review of breaking the spell: religion as a natural phenomenon by Daniel C. Dennett
The three requirements for a Darwinian evolutionary process are replication, variation and selection. Dennett (2006) discusses various theories of how these three processes, especially selection, may have operated in the evolution of religion. He believes that the origins of religion, like the origins of language and music, may be approached scientifically. He hopes that such investigations will open a dialog between science and religion leading to moderation of current religious extremism. One problem with Dennett's program, illustrating the difficulty of breaking away from creationist thinking, is Dennett's own failure to consider how Darwinian methods may be used to study evolution of behavioral patterns over the lifetime of individual organisms.

http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/19795546?itool=EntrezSystem2.PEntrez.Pubmed.Pubmed_ResultsPanel.Pubmed_RVDocSum&ordinalpos=4
The impact of Islamophobia
Muslims, as members of minority communities in the West, grow up against a background of everyday Islamophobia. I suggest that the Muslim self internalized in such a setting is denigrated (Fanon 1952), a problem usually grappled with during adolescence when identity formation is the key developmental task. This typically involves the adolescent taking on polarized positions and embracing extreme causes. Following the 9/11 and 7/7 attacks Islamophobia intensified, which can be understood, at the psychological level, as an internal racist defence against overwhelming anxiety. Within that defensive organization, which I describe, fundamentalism is inscribed as the problematic heart of Islam, complicating the adolescent's attempt to come to terms with the inner legacy of everyday Islamophobia. I explore these themes through a case study of a young man who travelled to Afghanistan in the 1990s, and by brief reference to Ed Husain's "The Islamist" and Mohsin Hamid's novel "The Reluctant Fundamentalist".

http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/...ed_ResultsPanel.Pubmed_RVDocSum&ordinalpos=20
Religiousness as a Cultural Adaptation of Basic Traits: A Five-Factor Model Perspective
Individual differences in religiousness can be partly explained as a cultural adaptation of two basic personality traits, Agreeableness and Conscientiousness. This argument is supported by a meta-analysis of 71 samples (N = 21,715) from 19 countries and a review of the literature on personality and religion. Beyond variations in effect magnitude as a function of moderators, the main personality characteristics of religiousness (Agreeableness and Conscientiousness) are consistent across different religious dimensions, contexts (gender, age, cohort, and country), and personality measures, models, and levels, and they seem to predict religiousness rather than be influenced by it. The copresence of Agreeableness and Conscientiousness sheds light on other explanations of religiousness, its distinctiveness from related constructs, its implications for other domains, and its adaptive functions.

http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/...nkpos=2&log$=relatedarticles&logdbfrom=pubmed
Religiousness, spiritual seeking, and personality: findings from a longitudinal study.
The hypothesis that personality characteristics in adolescence can be used to predict religiousness and spiritual seeking in late adulthood was tested using a structural equation modeling framework to estimate cross-lagged and autoregressive effects in a two-wave panel design. The sample consisted of 209 men and women participants in the Berkeley Guidance and Oakland Growth studies. In late adulthood, religiousness was positively related to Conscientiousness and Agreeableness, and spiritual seeking was related to Openness to Experience. Longitudinal models indicated that Conscientiousness in adolescence significantly predicted religiousness in late adulthood above and beyond adolescent religiousness. Similarly, Openness in adolescence predicted spiritual seeking in late adulthood. The converse effect, adolescent religiousness to personality in late adulthood, was not significant in either model. Among women, adolescent Agreeableness predicted late-life religiousness and adolescent religiousness predicted late-life Agreeableness; both these effects were absent among men. Adolescent personality appears to shape late-life religiousness and spiritual seeking independent of early religious socialization.

http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/...med_ResultsPanel.Pubmed_RVDocSum&ordinalpos=5
Religious Belief as Compensatory Control
The authors review experimental evidence that religious conviction can be a defensive source of compensatory control when personal or external sources of control are low.They show evidence that (a) belief in religious deities and secular institutions can serve as external forms of control that can compensate for manipulations that lower personal control and (b) religious conviction can also serve as compensatory personal control after experimental manipulations that lower other forms of personal or external control.The authors review dispositional factors that differentially orient individuals toward external or personal varieties of compensatory control and conclude that compensatory religious conviction can be a flexible source of personal and external control for relief from the anxiety associated with random and uncertain experiences.
 
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