Newton Bohr MD said:
Is it just me or has population control become a fancy term for killing mainly minorities???
http://www.hsph.harvard.edu/Organizations/healthnet/SAsia/depop/Chap7.html
Angela Davis in her "Women, Race and Class" has pointed her reader to a very interesting point with regard to the relation of the women of color to reproductive right movement. If the right of controlling one's fertility is obviously advantageous to women of all class and race then, she questioned, why there was no substantial number of colored women in birth control movement of America? "The women of color were far more familiar than their white sisters with the murderously clumsy scalpels of inept abortionists seeking profit in illegality. In New York, for instance, during the several years preceding the decriminalization of abortions in that state, some 80 percent of the deaths caused by illegal abortions involved Black and Puerto Rican women" (Davis 1981). If this was the reality, then the women of color should have been participating in a large number in the birth control movement. But that was not what happened.
Literature of the period claimed that the women of color were overburdened by their people's fight against racism; and/or they hid not yet become conscious of the centrality of sexism. Angela Davis rejects both explanations and sought deeper to dissect the "almost lily-white complexion of the abortion right campaign" (ibid. p. 203).
The reason she pointed out is the racist nature of birth control movement. According to her, and amply substantiated by history, the white abortion rights activists --- had been known to advocate involuntary sterilization --- a racist form of mass "birth control".
On the basis of the perception of the women of color to the birth control movement Angela made a sharp analytical distinction between standing up for the "abortion right" and "to be a proponent of abortion". Black and Latina women are clearly for "abortion right" but this does not mean that they are "proponents of abortion". There is a distinction between the "desire to be free of pregnancy" and "the miserable social conditions which dissuade [a women] from bringing new lives into the world." This is where she is brilliantly hinting the need to separate the white and racist reproductive right notion from the "right" urged by Black and Latina women. Reproductive right does not have to mean control of the population of all other colors except white.
The demand for reproductive right emerged into focus as the general movement for women's right gained momentum. Sarah Grimke argued in 1850 for "... right on the part of women to decide when she shall become a mother, how often and under what circumstances," (quoted by Angela Davis, ibid. p-203). Reproductive right advocates echo her by words but conveniently forget that Sarah Grimke also advocated women's right to sexual abstinence. This is important to understand how reproductive right has eventually become to mean availability and increased use of modern contraceptives. This happened because of the movement's increasing alliance with the population controllers and the MNCs.
Capitalism increasingly draws women into the labour market and opens up the possibility of pursuing a career as an individual person outside their kitchen. In order to exercise the political right they might win and to engage in productive role in the civil society they felt the need to control their fertility. If women remained forever burdened by incessant childbirths and frequent miscarriages. they would hardly be able to exercise to pursue I life outside their marriage and motherhood. The demand for reproductive right is therefore a demand to be integrated with the processes of capitalism, the demand of the potential female labour desirous to be a contributor to the production of wealth by the capitalists. The early slogan of "voluntary motherhood" is to be seen in this light. Compared to the existing reality in which women were living it contained a genuinely progressive vision of womanhood. "At the same time, however, this vision was rigidly bound to the lifestyle enjoyed by the middle classes and the bourgeoisie." The more fundamental right of the working class women at the level of economic survival is not reflected in this slogan. They found it difficult to identify themselves with this slogan. Class limitation that was inbuilt in the origin of the reproductive right movement is yet to be overcome.
Proclamation of the President Theodore Roosevelt that the "race purity must be maintained" while concluding his 1905 Lincoln Day Dinner is well known by now to the feminists. By 1906 he blatantly equated the falling birth rate among native born whites with their impending threat of "race-suicide". In the same year in his State of Union message Roosevelt warned the well-born white women who are engaged in "willful sterility -- the one sin for which the penalty is national death, race suicide". These were the years of accelerating racist ideologies and of great wave of race riots and lynchings; on the domestic scene and the imperialist venture of the US seizure of Philippines. "This episode of the race suicide was an additional factor in identifying feminism almost exclusively with the aspirations of the privileged women of the society" (Gordon 1976). The class nature of the movement has sharply been drawn into completion so to say in these years. On the other hand, "...the pro birth control feminists began to popularize the idea that poor people had a moral obligation to restrict the size of their families, because large families create a drain on the taxes and charity expenditures of the wealthy and because poor children were less likely to be "superior".
The upper class while women demanding reproductive right for themselves accepted the "race suicide" argument with all its racist prejudices and proposed its prevention by the introduction of the birth control among Black people. immigrants and the poor in general. Controlling the other races had been accepted as an antidote to the "race suicide". There is no question of extending the notion of "right" to the latter cases, it must remain a white privilege. The notion of reproductive right" had been cleanly cut out into a lily white complexion in the infancy of the demand. "In this way," Angela Davis says, "the prosperous whites of solid Yankee stock could maintain their superior numbers within the population".
Self expansion and accumulation of capital needs labour. As the demand for it increased in the first decades of the twentieth century the United States had to follow an open door policy to immigration. Anglo-Saxons who previously settled in the continent soon found their numbers decreasing and their birth rate declining. The privileged layers of the American society gave birth to a new racist trend known as eugenic movement. The premise of eugenicists was the catchword of their social-Darwinist predecessors, that is "survival of the fittest". The system of industrial capitalism is the "fittest" of all other systems because it survived. So is the "gifted" upper white layer of the American society. The eugenicists believed that the "unfit" or the indigent should be weeded out and the affluent, or "gifted," be encouraged to breed so that the human "stock" could be improved. The wedlock of racism with the powerful industrial capital was very clear from the beginning.