Dying in the Safety Net.

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My head hurts reading this thread, but I draw the line at infant mortality claims.

There ought to be a Law of healthcare discussion on the internet, akin to Godwin's Rule, that anyone who brings up infant mortality rates automatically and immediately loses the argument.

Some countries, like the US, will call a 22-week preemie that survives 7 minutes in the hallway on the way to the NICU before dying an "infant death" ... others will call that a stillbirth. Some countries follow the WHO guidelines for defining infant mortality. Most use a related definition. Switzerland won't count babies that are too short (under 30 cm). Germany won't count babies under 500 g. And yet we get people pretending that IMR comparisons are meaningful.

So quit telling me that Cuba's infant mortality rate is better than ours. I'm not interested in how some two-bit third-world bananaland country cooks their books.

Not sure if you're directing this at me, but I was discussing regional variations in infant mortality rates, which are useful when considering the consistency of care within a country. Nobody outside of a Michael Moore film points to Cuba as a testament to what US healthcare should be..

Also, doesn't Godwin's Law have something to do with accusing people of being Nazi's?

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Forget about the ACA for a second, do you lot want to do away with health insurance altogether?
 
Also, doesn't Godwin's Law have something to do with accusing people of being Nazi's?
Yes, but it also says the side that brings up the Nazi comparison automatically loses the debate. I assume this is what they meant.
 
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The funny thing is that certain people will blabber about our healthcare and meanwhile a surgeon is operating on a guy with no insurance for charity, or some homeless guy is in the ICU burning through thousands of dollars a day, or some Ob-Gyn is staffing a clinic for poor pregnant women. I don't have time to waste on those fools, I work for a living, they just attend protest marches.

The only problem is they get to vote. <-- Yeah, that's a problem. If anyone's head just exploded right now, good.

:troll:
 
I think that we are headed in the direction of a Medicare-for-all type system, but mostly at the hands of the Republicans. More and more Republicans are identifying with libertarian politics, and if they can't stop their extravagant spending to support special interests and warmongering around the world, not to mention the losing battle against homosexuality and small-time pot smokers, then they won't be able to win elections in the very near future.
I actually think that whether the ACA works or not, that it's most likely at this point to be a hindrance to a universal system. Either it will improve things a little bit (that is the best case scenario as I see it) and voters will be satisfied with the bandaid and not wish to disturb things again so soon, especially considering how tumultuous this ride has been over the last few years. Or it will just make things even more expensive for most voters (more likely IMO) while making doctors even more overworked and reducing their per-patient pay, in which case the people will be hesitant to trust the government to actually make things better.


In terms of health policies, can you tell step-by-step processes that you would picture from now on towards "a Medicare-for-all type system...at the hands of the Republicans?" What are health policies that these Republicans would implement that are not "intentionally flawed" to get from post-ACA to "Medicare-for-all," so that they can be elected? How do you know if these bills will more likely pass? What will happen to numerous corporations? Are they going to lose their power over time and will they allow that at all?

ACA seems to be a hinderance to a universal system, more because of how much it takes to pass a bill, rather than it is intentionally flawed or bad in its design. If ACA was promoting universal systems, like many presidents did since early 1900s, it would not even been passed at all and this type of healthcare reform would not have happened in the first place.

TL;DR: If you look at the history and how "socialized medicine" was first used in our healthcare debate 50-70 years ago, you will see that we have a bigger problem than just ACA and realize how it is so unlikely to move towards "a Medicare-for-all type system."



And I flat out deny this claim, as giving public money (subsidies) to private businesses (insurers) isn't a more privatized system than one in which private money is given to private businesses, even if the amount of money going to the private businesses is greater in the first scenario. Wealth redistribution is just as immoral when the money is going to the rich.
In fact, think about it. Any country with a Medicare-for-all type system (like Canada, for example) would fall into that description: public money is going to private businesses (doctors and hospitals). But that's definitely not more privatized than the pre-ACA (or even post-ACA) American model.

This is a problem libertarians regularly face when having economic debates with progressives and liberals (I don't mean those terms to be derogatory any more than I mean "libertarian" to be derogatory). We are constantly being told that "the free market doesn't work," that privatization doesn't work, and that capitalism doesn't work because we are in such a poor state of affairs right now in the US. But real libertarians don't support corporate welfare or crony capitalism, which is what we actually have now. The ACA is just going to add to that, which is not something most of us would support.


I wasn't talking about the states, I was talking about Obama and congress - the people who came up with the plan in the first place.



Canada has a social insurance system where although physicians and hospitals are not owned by government, reimbursements come from public money, so I agree that public money does go to private businesses (doctors and hospitals). However, this is more privatized than pre-ACA, because of insurance companies in the U.S., where it has no social insurance system like Canada. Canada did not privatize, in general, insurance models as much as the U.S. did.

ACA drives further privatizations, because there are other federal subsidies that promote more innovative healthcare delivery models, and other corporations started to emerge. More money will flow towards even more corporations. Insurance companies will be even more influential since their pool of clients increased.

We can talk all day about how immoral wealth redistribution is. But as I said before, in the eyes of corporations looking down on civilians like us, it simply does not matter. All they care about is to increase the profit margins, and no matter whether it is immoral or not, they will pursue it nonetheless by interventions on marketing, governmental and other private sectors, professionals and so on. Think about it in their perspective. Someone is leading one of large insurance companies, and does he or she even care whether the public says it is immoral to receive more money than they should? Nope. It does not matter to them so long as they have that money flow.


About the corporate welfare or crony capitalism, I would not blame ACA directly. I would rather blame the system--the lobbying of numerous corporations in the government that only support laws that benefit them and deny otherwise. In this system, you cannot reform healthcare without addressing the corporations' interests. Otherwise, for example, the public option in the exchanges would not have been omitted from ACA. How would you address the corporations' interests while addressing the insurance coverage gaps, so that corporations will support the law as well as the public? If you think about it this way, ACA seems a reasonable, understandable approach that was passed to become a law.


TL; DR: If ACA or Medicaid expansion are "intentionally flawed" and "don't work," what would you have done differently? Did Democrats put forth an intentionally flawed model? Then, how would you suppose what we should have done instead of ACA? More importantly, how do you know that these bills will more likely pass?


Meanwhile, they're requiring everyone to go out and buy insurance - except the extremely impoverished in 28 (I think?) states who are still being denied insurance because they can't get subsidies and the mandatory medicaid expansion was unconstitutional - from the few insurance companies that are able to provide ACA-compliant policies.

My comments about the states refer to this comment.

These ~25 states themselves chose to deny the Medicaid expansion for political and economic (tax raises) reasons, rather than "still being denied." I added a NYT article directly discussing this issue a few pages back. I am unaware of whether it was the state government or insurance companies or both that said it was unconstitutional; however, they "can" get federal subsidies should they chose to expand. Why did you say they "can't" get subsidies? They did not choose to expand and thus decide to forgo subsidies, because they in part believed that even with federal subsidies covering 100% of Medicaid costs until 2016 and covering 90% after 2016, tax raises in 2016 seemed inevitable and this would seem burdensome economically in the future. Was this "intentionally flawed" made by Democrats? Then how much more subsidies should there be? 100% coverage of Medicaid costs until and after 2016? What would you suppose to do differently?

For states like MO and IL, I understand economically. But for many other Republican-led states that chose to deny, were states like Texas really poor? Did they see this was unconstitutional in a nonpartisan, logical manner? I don't have the answer, but my guess is that I highly doubt it. Some of their decisions to deny the expansion are reasonable, while others probably are politically biased.

TL; DR: Mandatory Medicaid expansion was changed to voluntary Medicaid expansion, so being mandatory seemed unconstitutional from the court and the law was changed. However, my argument above is primarily about Medicaid expansion itself. Unless you are talking about Medicaid expansion itself being unconstitutional, I initially thought you and I agreed on this topic, and that was why I said my previous post echoed some of your statements.
 
Sure, but that only looks at the figures and doesn't investigate what the figures mean. For example, everyone loves to compare America to, let's say, Denmark. Which is entirely laughable because Denmark is a small, homogenous population that basically doesn't allow any immigrants in and America is a large, heterogenous population that is filled with immigrants, both legal and illegal. If you merely said "we're kicking out every illegal immigrant right now and moving them all to Denmark, then just that alone would (a) cause Denmark to wet their collective pants, (b) immediately bomb in any rating you wanted, (c) fall into total anarchy, and (d) turn them off of socialism. It is comparisons like that which make, as I've pointed out before, the WHO rank places you've never heard of like Malta as one of the top five healthcare countries in the world. Who cares? Why would anyone compare Malta to anything, unless they have a distinct agenda which is to promote socialized medicine? But they do and so they do.

Before you ask why our rates of infant mortality are so high, first look at who is having those kids. And don't just say "oh, it's inner-city youth, so that proves that we have a maldistribution of healthcare to inner-city youth." No, that's too superficial. Next, ask yourself why inner-city youth are the ones having the kids in the first place. Uh oh, now this is making people sweat. Now nobody wants to talk about it. Get the drift?

(Been busy getting other projects up and running since the app cycle has died down. Hope I am not too late in replying.)

Demographics aren't a limitation. Poll after poll shows that Americans are in favor of health reform, and even the specific provisions of ACA, but if you call it Obamacare, thanks to the conservative campaign, they are against it. To say that demographics or some kind of sociological limitation will necessarily cripple healthcare reform, and therefore we shouldn't pay much heed to it, is wrong. Government regulation of healthcare, of which ACA is a step forward, is not mere redistribution. It is, as I said, an endeavor to create a more rational, efficient, and therefore cost-effective healthcare system. For this reason, the multi-ethnic composition of the US is not an obstacle; everyone knows that reform is essential, for the majority's sake, not merely for the sake of some minority.

This was the beauty of ACA: that it strove to take care of the glaring inefficiencies of the US healthcare system in the same stroke as it took care of inequality--which it took to be two sides of the same problem. To take the classic example, of which I am sure you are aware, if we can get the uninsured into frequent primary care checkups, rather than dealing with the problem as it explodes in an emergency room, we save money--not lose it. In a word, we already practice socialism--just an inefficient, cost-ineffective form--since we do, after all, practice this kind of interventionalist, emergency department medicine (the most expensive form of primary care), and we do not turn people away.

It is reasonable to believe, therefore, that even if we have a heterogeneous population, we can change certain very obvious practices and reap gains while saving money. I would be interested in what you have to say about this argument--which I take to be the central and essential "pragmatic" argument for ACA, and which is why I personally support it.

The comparison between the United States and other countries (and not just Malta, but also any number of the dozens of other quite large, developed countries in the OECD health metrics report, here: http://forums.studentdoctor.net/thr...ception-vs-reality-in-us-health-care.1043818/) remains relevant, because we think we know some of the things we can do to bring us up to the level of dozens of other countries--some of which, incidentally, especially in Europe, provide services to relatively diverse populations. Yet, it is also relevant to look at the homogeneous populations in these cases, in particular South Korea and Japan--whose healthcare systems have a variety of differences from the US system (not shared even by many Western European countries), in particular an emphasis on high frequency primary care visits (12+ year), super high patient volume, a (sometimes) low tech approach to diagnosis and treatment (rather than what can only be called the Cowboy approach of American interventionalist medicine), etc. I don't think these particular factors are specific to countries with demographic homogeneity.

With regard to your last claim about infant mortality, I am more than happy to talk about it. I don't have a liberal axe to grind, and I don't think healthcare reform should be limited to the discussions about the structure of the delivery of health services. I can see that other people would try to shut down some conversations, but that isn't me. Again, the biggest gains in terms of reform are really to be had in preventative medicine. And preventative medicine includes discussing broader issues like the you are talking about. To that, I would also add as major topics our food culture, and yes, that discussion about inner city infant mortality will also need to include a discussion about socioeconomic inequality more generally.

Even with the arguments I have tried to put forward, I can still understand why people might be against healthcare reform. I know physicians in other countries, and I know the direction that physician autonomy will go in if we decide on a truly rational healthcare system: there won't be much of it. I think this is a genuine concern, both a philosophical and a practical one. But if we want to avoid a 25% of GDP healthcare budget in 20 years, we need to pay serious attention to the practical issues at stake here. I completely agree with your c riticisms of DR MOM. I hate these kinds of arguments. And I think, from a rational point of view, the argument for healthcare reform, and in the rough direction that we are currently making it, can be made much more strongly.
 
@Lya

You don't think that the cost containment measures of ACA will actually work in curbing costs? Privatization may be a significant problem, but I think you're missing several crucial ingredients. First, if health costs continue to spiral, the political clout of the corporations will not be sufficient to contain popular outrage--and I believe popular outrage, although admittedly a hazy concept, is definitely worth something. Second, although American healthcare has been further privatized, we ARE in the process of doing away with very powerful ideological obstacles. If we get close-to-universal coverage, and this is accepted as the new normal, we will be still more inclined to regulatory measures from an ideological perspective. Although you seem inclined to analyze the situation purely from the perspective of the self-interest and political clout of the stakeholders in the system--nonetheless, popular support or lack thereof is still a crucial variable. And if the ideology of "freedom from regulation" continues to break down, the private ownership of the various elements of the healthcare system will lose political legitimacy. I think that this de-legitimization can achieve the goal of undermining the power of the corporations in the long run--despite certain leverage advantages that the corporations might have in the short run from a material point of view.

In this way, we will have made progress (in addition to the other ways), and I think this progress is perhaps not insignificant in the long-run.
 
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